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| Kashmir Martyrs’ Day, no takers in Jammu | | 
By K B Jandial
Historically, July 13, 1931 is a watershed day in the annals of Kashmir’s struggle against autocratic rule for democratic rights that put Sheikh Mohd Abdullah in the centre stage of the movement which culminated in end of hereditary rule of Maharaja. Twenty one Kashmiris fell to the bullets of the Maharaja’s police outside Central Jail, Srinagar. The gory events that unfolded on that day in downtown Srinagar had its roots in the developments taken place in Kashmir’s political landscape in the recent past including fierce propaganda against Maharaja’s rule and an alleged incident of desecration of holy Quran at the hands of a cop. After Independence, this day has been officially observed as Martyrs’ day and declared a gazetted holiday in the State.
Even though it is observed in Kashmir as a solemn day with the Chief Minister and other leaders cutting across political ideology visit the revered shrine of Naqashband near Khanyar where 21 martyred Kashmiris were buried, and pay their respectful homage with full state honour. The policemen blow bugles sounding the Last Post while a contingent of J&K police reverse arms as mark of respect to these martyrs. After outbreak of the militancy, the solemn ceremony is conducted amidst tight security and house arrest of separatists.
There is a political angle to these developments besides genuine deprivation of democratic rights to Muslims. Many historians are convinced of British hand in the upsurge that shook the foundation of Dogra monarchy in J&K. It started with Maharaja Hari Singh’s bold speech at the Round Table Conference at London in 1930. Speaking on behalf of Princes, he said, “ As Indians and loyal to the land whence we derive our birth and infant nurture, we stand as solidly as the rest of our countrymen for our land’s enjoyment of a position of honour and equality in the British Commonwealth of Nations.” Britishers considered him haughty and independent nature prince who would not toe their line. Maharaja Hari Singh on his accession to the throne had withdrawn some of the facilities and easements from the Resident at Srinagar.
More serious issue was the control of Gilgit Frontier which had two categories of administration- Gilgit Wazarat ruled directly by the Maharaja and a Political Agency controlled by an Agent appointed by British India Govt. The Maharaja immediately after ascending to the throne was pressing abolition of the Agency. Gilgit had always been a tender spot for the British which violently react if questioned their right to hold it in view of Gilgit’s strategic location.
The spark for 13 July gruesome incident was a non-descript outsider who had nothing to with Kashmir, Abdul Qadeer. He was butler of one Major Abbott of Yorkshire regiment located in Peshwar who was holidaying in a house boat at Nageen lake. Expressing solidarity with Kashmiri Muslims, Qadeer made a fiery speech at Khanqah-e-Mualla on June21, 1931and called upon the Muslims to “arise and take on your oppressors”. Pointing towards the royal palace he shouted “pull that edifice down”. The administration picked up Qadeer for his provocative speech and prosecuted him for sedition. Sheikh Abdullah who was active with his Reading Room Party, and his friends decided to defend him in the Sessions’ Court of Pt Kishen lal Kichlu. They arranged a counsel for him. Meanwhile, the administration found that taking Qadeer from Central Jail to Sessions’ Court was becoming a law and order problem, they decided to hold the court in the Central Jail itself.
Sheikh Abdullah and some other upcoming leaders advised the people against marching to the central jail on 13 July. But still a large number of Qadeer’s sympathizers gathered in front of Central Jail. Some estimated the gathering at about 5000 while others estimated more than that. Nobody was allowed to enter the Jail except the defence counsel.
There are different versions of the bloody event that followed. Sheikh Abdullah in his autobiography Aatish-e-chinar recorded that the people who had entered into jail premises were peaceful but the Governor, Raizada Trilok Chand, who had arrived there in view of the situation that had developed, ordered arrest of protestors. Enraged by the order the people started hurling stones on the police. In the firing that was ordered, 21 persons were killed and hundreds were injured. The people went berserk and set on fire police lines in the premises.
According to another book, Culture and Political History of Kashmir by P N Koul Bamzai about 5000 people that had gathered outside the jail, demanded withdrawal of the case and rushed towards the gate of the jail but a posse of police halted them. Angered by it, the people started pelting stones on the police. Meanwhile, the prisoners in the jail also became restive and disconnected telephones The DM thereupon ordered the police to open fire. Twenty one persons lost their lives in the firing.
The subsequent events of the day are not widely known. Bamzai writes that after this bloodshed the situation went out of control. There was resentment among the Muslims against Maharaja. They paraded the dead bodies in the main markets. Given the “vicious communal propaganda” unleashed in the past month or so, the protestors turned their wrath towards Hindus whom they associated with Maharaja’s Govt. Shops belonging to the Hindus were looted and there were communal outburst in a suburb of Srinagar that left three Hindus dead.
Col (Dr) Tej K Tikoo in his book, Kashmir, its Aborigines and their exodus, writes that the events of July 13 “were so orchestrated that the State’s Muslims subjects would be provoked into indulging in communal violence against Kashmiri Hindus, which would eventually destabilize Maharaja’s Govt.” This was sufficient to “coerce Maharaja Hari Singh to submit to the British demand for lease of Gilgit”. The strategy worked and later the Maharaja signed the lease document of Gilgit.
The book further reveals that during the day long riots (post Central Jail firing) Kashmiri Pandits bore the brunt of Muslim fury. Col. Tikoo recorded that at least in one incident in Kanikoot in Budgam the entire family of Kashmiri Pandit except a boy were axed to death while sleeping. In view of these communal incidents, some Kashmiri pundits also call the Martyrs day as Bhatta loot (looting the KPs).
Later events indicate that the Maharaja Hari Singh became very weak. To overcome the public outrage after the 13 July massacre, he appointed a commission headed by the Chief Justice of state High Court to enquire into the incident but Muslims boycotted it questioning its independence. British did not want to miss the opportunity to clip the wings of Maharaja Hari Singh and supported the demand of impartial enquiry.
Ultimately, the beleaguered Maharaja appointed Glancy Commission to go in to the grievances of the people. Besides Sir B J Glancy, an officer of the Foreign and political department of Govt. of India, it had four other members. Glancy Commission’s recommendations led to many reforms which Maharaja Hari Singh initiated including setting up of Praja Sabha, a legislative assembly with 75 members, a mix of elected and nominated members. This was the beginning of the democracy in the state. This was one of the many good initiatives taken by Maharaja Hari Singh.
It is said that once the Britishers achieved the objective they relaxed the pressure from the Maharaja and given freedom to deal with political agitators. The leaders of parties enjoying support from Colvin Govt. were sidelined. They had lost support from Punjabi Muslims who had championed the cause in 1931. The All- India Kashmir Committee of Lahore and Simla which had supported agitation in 1931 died its own death in 1933. Sir Mohd Iqbal, the great poet resigned from the committee saying it was a coterie of Ahmedyas who were accused of propagating their religious belief among Kashmiris rather than fighting for political rights. By the time Sir Iqbal became its President, the movement in Kashmir had gone into the hands of Kashmiri Muslims and Hindus under the aegis of National Conference.
On most of the issues, state has so much emotional divergence that all the three regions of the State don’t see eye to eye including on the issue of “martyrs”. While there is no attempt to demean these martyrs of Kashmir but the people in other two regions are either not well versed with the importance of “sacrifices of the martyrs” observing the day as holiday notwithstanding or do not treat them the real martyrs. There is no emotional bonding with these martyrs. For Jammu & Ladakh, Martyrs are those who sacrificed their lives in national freedom movement to free India from the yoke of Britishers and with whom the people still strike emotional feelings even today. BJP representing Jammu in the present Govt. would not be paying homage to these martyrs.
In the country, 30 January is the actual Martyrs Day which is solemnly observed in the state also especially in Jammu. Like rest of the country, freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru are considered martyrs. The Govt. has righty selected the martyrdom day of father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi as Martyrs Day to pay homage to all those numerous known and unknown freedom fighters and soldiers who had laid down their lives in defence of the country. Unlike in J&K, the day does not demand a holiday.
Even in Kashmir context a new cult of martyrs has grown during militancy in the shape of slain “mujahideens”. All of them are buried in the mazaar-e shoda. The relevance of martyrs of 13 July is bound to erode even in Kashmir with the passage of time. Even in Kashmir not many are aware of these martyrs and the occasion is passed as a holiday.
(The writer is former Secretary Information, health, transport, CAPD departments and a member of Public Service Commission, feedback: [email protected])
Disclaimer: The opinions expressed within this article are the personal opinions of the author. The facts and opinions appearing in the article do not reflect the views of Scoop News and Scoop News does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.
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